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December 07, 2006

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I guess I'll concede that Megan McArdle, Bjorn Lomborg , and Arnold Kling are in nowise dumb, but I think that their misinterpretation of Dasgupta is systematic and predictable in a different way which has nothing to do with their relative IQs or the subtlety of Dasgupta's writing.

Perhaps the GDP / consumption ratio is the incorrect analysis metric.

If we can put a value on the current state of the Earth and all the improvements and degredations we cause, what would be the sensible rate of savings vs. consumption?

How do we count spending on durable endevors that can contribute to future generations? (Does a solar energy plant count as consumption, or an improvement to future generations with an added benifit of reducing CO2 emissions?)

For this model, seemingly rational inputs produce crazy outputs. So the answer is to make a better model, not tweak the inputs.

To put it simply, to the extent growth is exclusively a function of saving and capital formation, then you'll want to save a whole lot. But if growth is mostly a function of "stuff" that just "happens," then savings isn't nearly as important. Well, okay.

More precisely, changes in time preference, especially as time preference gets very low, REALLY tosses your optimal savings rate around the room when savings is the sole driver of growth.

"I share his belief that delta = 0.1% per year and eta = 1 does not generate conclusions that correspond to our moral intuitions, and that eta = 3 or so creates a better match with at least my beliefs about how one should take risks to and inequality across persons into account."

We should judge the model's savings rate parameter based on whether or not it produces results that corresponds with our moral intuitions?

But if we tweak parameters to avoid results that conflict with our intuitions then -- what exactly does the model buy us (other than an unjustified impression that our moral intuitions have been 'objectively' demonstrated to be correct)?

An exceptional post. Thank you so much, Brad.

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Agreed, John. We are so fortunate.

has there been any sort ofd sensitivity analysis of the input coefficients? In engineering these are often extremely useful in understanding models.

I won't even begin to address the post above, but rather take the opportunity to post a response to Dasgupta's critique of Jared Diamond's "Collapse" (and to excuse my changing the subject I'll plead that a), to borrow from Dasgupta, I don't have the necessary "toolbox" to comment on the above, but at least I know that, and b) DeLong does at least link to the critique).

Shorter Dasgupta: Deforestation was the proximate cause of Easter Island's collapse, but it may also have been one of the ultimate causes of the industrial revolution in Britain, and thus helped contribute that nation's subsequent increase in wealth. "...scarcities lead individuals and societies to search for ways out, which often means discovering alternatives." So you shouldn't talk about environmental crises without discussing how technology is sometimes good too.

My Reply: As evidence of Diamond's lack of "a sympathetic understanding of economic mechanisms" Dasgupta cites Diamond's choice of Tokugawa Japan as opposed to 18th century Britain as an example of a society coping with deforestation.
But Diamond is not so much "unsympathetic" to economics and innovation as unimpressed by it. Moreover, I think he gives due credit to adaptation and innovatation in comparing the Greenland Norse to the Inuit, and in comparing the Anazazi to the surviving Hopi? culture of the American Southwest.
Diamond has a larger point that our survival so far doesn't guarantee our survival tomorrow, and we could all be nailing our planetary coffin as I write. But Dasgupta frets that Diamond offers no way of tallying up just exactly how bad things are, that he offers up only "one side of the balance sheet" and always replies "Yes, but..." to sceptics who point out the benefits received from technological advancements.
By Dasgupta's reasoning, it would be irresponsible to critisize Enron for hiding "unsustainable" debt under off-the books shady lease agreements and other financing deals with subsidiaries without also showing, at some length and in detail, how Enron also made real money thru plenty of above board and legitimate activities. And furthermore, we couldn't say that Enron was losing money unless we were an accountant and could produce a balance sheet to demonstrate that the company, as a whole, was in the red.
But does one really need to be an accountant to know or argue that Enron was a corrupt company that drove itself to bankruptcy?
Dasgupta writes, "To say that the societies that have survived have done so because they managed their habitats well, maintained profitable relationships with their neighbours and prevented their members from killing one another, isn’t really to say anything." But saying that we can't say how badly our development is unsustainable, or even if it is unsustainable (in the case of the first world) without appropriate metrics is also not really saying anything.
Of course we need a "correct way to determine whether contemporary economic development has been sustainable." Who would argue with that? And no, we won't find any of that in Diamond's book, because, ah, well, Diamond isn't writing about economics, not even environmental economics. "Collapse" no more leaves me "with the impression that there is still no intellectual toolkit with which to deliberate" envinronmental economics than reading about the chemistry of exothermic reactions and Boyle's Law makes me think there are no tools to fix the internal combustion engine in my car.
(Perhaps Dasgupta finds a failure to address economic topics to be a fatal flaw for any book.)
We ARE engaging in unsustainable activities, but obviously Diamond doesn't know what our overall environmental economic balance sheet is. This is not a failure or lack of rigor on Diamond's part but rather his main point. We really don't know what's going on, and we had better start paying some attention. Diamond shows us that the plague is real and that we are mortal and might catch it too, but Dasgupta is disappointed that he doesn't offer us a precise way of describing the etiology, pathogenisis, and progression of the affliction.
Yes, scarcity may result in innovation and adaptive technologies, not just deprivation and collapse, and yes, we need good economic theory and metrics to understand how societies cope. But that is hardly a good reason to remain complacent about bottlenecks, or much worse, rush towards them. Innovation and technology are not guaranteed to save the day. Would a pre-historic Easter Islander been better off embracing the Japanese model or the British Model of responding to deforestation?
Of course, Dasgupta is pointing to what needs to be done. We will have to be open minded, and willing to "do the math", to survive. A recent example is Lowell Wood's proposal to seed the statosphere with sulfur (ala Krakatoa) to cool the Earth and counteract global warming. (http://www.rollingstone.com/news/story/12343892/can_dr_evil_save_the_world
If we dismiss such propositions out of hand, and are not willing to contemplate possible treatments or cures because they are "unnatural", we may be left in the same situation as the Greenland Norse, who starved to death amidst streams and seas full of fish.

I do want to make clear that I think that Diamond and Dasgupta are on the same side here. My problem with Dasgupta, to borrow from 12-step terminology, is that he critisizes Diamond for failing at step 4 (taking inventory) when Diamond is clearly working on step 1 (admiting the problem, as in convincing the sceptics that we have a problem).

Dasgupta's idea of environmental economics, however, is certainly helpful to environmental causes. It's a truism that gas is cheap in the U.S. because we don't pay the true cost of it. Dasgupta is simply advocating the next step of calculating that true cost. Which is a wonderful and necessary step to take. In Diamond's defense, however, if we fail in completing step 1, if we ignore the sceptics rather than answering them, then this may hinder our inventory taking and calculations of true costs including environmental charges.

In this light, Diamond's perhaps pessimistic lack of faith in technological solutions is in response to the over-optimism environmental sceptics place in innovation, markets, and technology as panaceas.

In other words, Diamond's position might be put as, just because a problem might be fixable doesn't mean it's not a problem, and it also doesn't guarantee that the fix might not have problems of it's own. In a world that is more and more interconnected, failures and collapses in one part have increasing repercussions around the world. It's only responsible to change our attitudes and behaviour in advance of projected scarcities instead of waiting to fall off the cliff with the assumption that we can invent a parachute on the way down. Otherwise pleas to be economically reasonable ala Dasgupta can be taken to justify, say, solving our polution problem with scrapping obsolete ships by outsourcing the task to India. Such a solution makes sense in current economic calculus, but actually worsens the actual pollution.

Dasgupta hints at it, but we have to unreservedly admit that current conventional economics is faulty before we can then turn to adapting economic analysis so that it can help solve the problem.

Finally, I have to give credit to Dasgupta to challenging the canard that developing natural resources is good for overall development. This should be obvious, but somehow most people don't understand this. A quick survey of rich nations and regions in the world shows a strong correlation between temperate but resource poor regions and wealth. Rich nations and regions that are poor in natural resources include the NE US, Japan, Korea, and Western Europe. Conversely, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Mexico, Libya, etc, have used their incredible oil wealth to foster their development as, well, oil exporting nations.

As pro-football players can truthfully say, "If'n it wehrunt fer footbaahl, Ah wud naht be playin' footbaahl tuhday."

I don't have a problem with discounting the welfare of future generations, but let us leave that aside and focus on eta=1 (log utility).

This is entirely an assumption about intergenerational marginal rates of substitution. With log utility and (essentially) zero social rates of time preference, reducing the current generation's consumption by 1% and increasing any future generation's consumption by 1.01% increases social welfare, regardless of how much the future generation consumes. And in the Stern model, future generations have a lot more consumption (and utility) due to capital productivity.

Log utility (as convenient as it may be) is just not a good assumption in this context.

I see Varian's point. If you're assuming risk-neutrality, you are also assuming no diminishing marginal utility.

If we believe there is diminishing marginal utility, and if we believe that futre generations will be richer, as Stern assumes...and if we also believe utility in income is not inversely distributed according to actual incomes around the world, then...

The Stern report would then be biased towards future generations and biased towards richer nations.

So, take Stern with the following grains of salt:

1. The optimal amount of investment in C02 reduction is probably less than what Stern's calculations would imply.

2. The ratio of total investment in C02 reductions by economically developed nations should proably be higher than what Stern's calculations would imply.

Major point: It's difficult to favor both future generations and poorer nations in the present. This probably makes some oft-heard rhetorical combinations (caring simultaneously about poor people and future generations) mutually inconsistent.

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