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May 16, 2007

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Brad, Becker is a Nobelist highly respected in the field. His book about the family, in my opinion, was ludicrous and snarkily nasty. This piece is, from a political point of view, nasty too, and you don't seem to think it's valid either.

So what authority does economics have? Economists make proud scientific claims, but when I go to a physicist or any other scientist for information I don't normally have to worry about being misled. But with economists I do.

I've ended up concluding that economists are most like lawyers -- powerful, highly skilled advocates whom I can't afford.

Ya gotta wonder what the market value is for Becker's pseudoscientific twaddle.

If it doesn't help convince the masses to keep voting against their own self interest, how does it help the new aristocracy?

Or is Becker like the hooker in Hitchhiker's Guide that got paid to tell rich people it's okay to be rich?

Becker is smart but he is a fanatic. Trotsky was smart too, but managed to say stupid things without approaching the AEI. Murphy is a genius but he worships Becker.

I am sure that he can down a model in which claims a) and b) are reconciled. It would be based on the idea that unmeasured human capital accumulation beyond the norm for an BA has increased (that is the data don't fit the story so lets say that the data are too crude). It is always possible to draw any desired policy recommendation from an economic model with rational optimizing agents (I choose the policy recommendations and then write the model and I just admitted it in public). Economic theory is only restrained by the limits to the intellectual flexibility of the theorist. Kevin Murphy has a roughly infinite IQ and, therefore, he is roughly worthless as an economic theorist.

Kevin Murphy is too smart for his arguments to count. If Copernicus had had to debate Murphy we would still think the Sun orbits the Earth

"(a) increases in the return to education caused by spreading inequality in pretax wages won't lead to increases in educational attainment, but (b) decreases in the return to education caused by reducing inequality in after-tax wages will lead to decreases in educational attainment."

That's one way to spin it, I suppose. Another would be something like -- Even with the incentive of strong returns to education, other factors (poor K-12 schools, social problems) are blocking increase in educational attainment. What we should be doing, therefore, is to work to eliminate those roadblocks. What we absolutely should not do, though, is to reduce the incentives by reducing the after-tax return to higher education.

1. The increase in inequality seems to be concentrated in the top 5% (or less). Is the education (or however else one measures human capital) of these people so much greater than that of the next 5% or 20%?

2. Strange coincidence: just a couple of days ago, David Brooks's NY Times op-ed piece was "A Human Capital Agenda."

Robert Waldmann:

"It is always possible to draw any desired policy recommendation from an economic model with rational optimizing agents (I choose the policy recommendations and then write the model and I just admitted it in public). Economic theory is only restrained by the limits to the intellectual flexibility of the theorist."

Notice carefully what it means to mask a philosophical base in developing both a social-economic model and policy to follow logically from the model. A subtle and powerful criticism....

A better measure is the shape of the inequality. If the income distribution remains balanced and normal, then having it broad or narrow is immaterial for efficiency. Efficiency is the key measure and will be optimum if the curve is balanced properly.

A narrow PID distribution indicates a specialized economy.

We are back to the bubble argument, which, I guess, says that we cannot obtain increased efficiency without unbalancing the PID.

I doubt it. We are most likely to improve efficiency by making smaller adjustments over time, doing it without the bubble on some part of the PID curve.

The biologist, Ruth Hubbard, once wrote "[E]very theory is a self-fulfilling prophecy that orders experience into the framework it provides" and that helps make some sense of the world Becker and Murphy describe but frankly attempts at rationalization by very intelligent people more usually remind me of Whitehead's, "Every philosophy is tinged with the colouring of some secret imaginative background, which never emerges explicitly into its train of reasoning."

Does anyone have a good response to Slocum and ionides?

This thread is yet another sign that Economics has erred terribly in turning away from thinking seriously about (and teaching) economic methodology, in thinking about the difference between honest work and dishonest work. Every other social science has methodology as a required course (in some cases it is the only required course). In most economics graduate programs the course is not even *offered*.

When a practicing economist (I hope I have not mischaracterized Robert) can ruefully write: "It is always possible to draw any desired policy recommendation from an economic model with rational optimizing agents (I choose the policy recommendations and then write the model and I just admitted it in public). Economic theory is only restrained by the limits to the intellectual flexibility of the theorist."

... then we know that Economics is a discipline/profession in crisis - a crisis of credibility and a crisis of integrity.

"(a) increases in the return to education caused by spreading inequality in pretax wages won't lead to increases in educational attainment, but (b) decreases in the return to education caused by reducing inequality in after-tax wages will lead to decreases in educational attainment."

Why is this supposed to be contradictory? It merely says that after-tax wages affect behavior and pre-tax wages don't.

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