From History Matters: The U.S. Survey Course on the Web:
W Sep 3: Amerindians, Conquistadores, Explorers, Settlers, and Empires:
Compared to the French, Spanish, and Dutch, the English were slow to develop an interest in North American colonization By the later part of the sixteenth century, however, a group of interested and well-connected Englishmen with experience in Irish colonization began to consider permanent settlements in North America. Bartholomew Gosnold undertook a small prospecting expedition on the vessel Concord in 1602, passing down the coasts of Maine and Massachusetts to explore the northern Virginia coast. Gosnold was the first European to see and set foot on Cape Cod—which received its name for its abundance of cod fish—and built a small fur trading station there. The successful voyage enticed English colonization efforts to turn toward this part of North America. Four years later, Gosnold commanded a voyage to bring the first colonists to Jamestown, Virginia. Several accounts of the 1602 prospecting expedition quickly appeared in print.; this complete one was first published by Samuel Purchas in 1625.
Gabriel Archer: The said captain did set sail from Falmouth the day and year above written accompanied with thirty-two persons, whereof eight mariners and sailors, twelve purposing upon the discovery to return with the ship for England, the rest remain there for population.... The seventh of May following, we first saw many birds in bigness of cliff pigeons, and after divers others as petrels, coots, hagbuts, penguins, mews, gannets, cormorants, gulls, with many else in our English tongue of no name. The eighth of the same the water changed to a yellowish green, where at seventy fathoms we had ground. The ninth, we had two-and-twenty fathoms in fair sandy ground, having upon our lead many glittering stones, somewhat heavy, which might promise some mineral matter in the bottom, we held ourselves by computation, well near the latitude of 43 degrees.
The tenth we sounded in 27, 30, 37, 43 fathoms, and then came to 108. Some thought it to be the sounding of the westernmost end of Saint John’s Island; upon this bank we saw sculls of fish in great numbers. The twelfth, we hoisted out hawser of our shallop, and sounding had then eighty fathoms without any current perceived by William Streete the master, one hundred leagues westward from Saint Mary’s, till we came to the aforesaid soundings, continually passed fleeting by us sea-oare, which seemed to have their movable course towards the north-east; a matter to set some subtle invention on work, for comprehending the true cause thereof. The thirteenth, we sounded in seventy fathoms, and observed great beds of weeds, much wood, and divers things else floating by us, when as we had smelling of the shore, such as from the southern Cape and Andalusia, in Spain.
The fourteenth, about six in the morning, we descried land that lay north, &c., the northerly part we called the north land, which to another rock upon the same lying twelve leagues west, that we called Savage Rock (because the savages first showed themselves there); five leagues towards the said rock is an out point of woody ground, the trees thereof very high and straight, from the rock east-north-east. From the said rock came towards us a Biscay shallop with sail and oars, having eight persons in it, whom we supposed at first to be Christians distressed. But approaching us nearer, we perceived them to be savages. These coming within call, hailed us, and we answered. Then after signs of peace, and a long speech by one of them made, they came boldly aboard us, being all naked, saving about their shoulders certain loose deer skins, and near their wastes seal skins tied fast like to Irish dimmie trousers. One that seemed to be their commander wore a waistcoat of a black work, a pair of breeches, cloth stockings, shoes, hat and band, one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians; these with a piece of chalk described the coast thereabouts, and could name Placentia of Newfoundland; they spoke divers Christian words, and seemed to understand much more than we, for want of language could comprehend.
These people are in color swart, their hair long, uptied with a knot in the part of behind the head. They paint there bodies which are strong and well proportioned. These much desire our longer stay, but finding ourselves short of our purposed place, we set sail westward, leaving them and their coast. About sixteen leagues south-west from thence we perceived in that course two small island, the one lying eastward from Savage Rock, the other to the southward of it; the coast we left was full of goodly woods, fair plains, with little green round hills above the cliffs appearing unto us, which are indifferently raised, but all rocky, and of shining stones, which might have persuaded us a longer stay there....
From this opening the main lieth south-west, which coasting along we saw a disinhabited island, which so afterward appeared unto us: we bore with it, and named it Martha’s Vineyard; from Shoal Hope it is eight leagues in circuit, the island is five miles, and hath 41 degrees and one quarter of latitude. The place most pleasant; for the two-and-twentieth, we went ashore, and found it full of wood, vines, gooseberry bushes, whortleberries, raspberries, eglantines, &c. Here we had cranes, stearnes, shoulers, geese, and divers other beards which there at that time upon the cliffs being sandy with some rocky stones, did breed and had young. In this place we saw deer: here we rode in eight fathoms near the shore which we took great store of cod,—as before at Cape Cod, but much better....
The eight-and-twentieth we entered counsel about our abode and plantation, which was concluded to be in the west part of Elizabeth’s island. The north-east thereof running from out of our ken. The south and north standeth in an equal parallel. This island in the westernside admitteth some in creeks, or sandy coves, so girded, as the water in some places of each side meeteth, to which the Indians from the main do often-times resort for fishing of crabs. There is eight fathoms very near the shore, and the latitude here is 41 degrees 11 minutes, the breadth from sound to sound in the western part is not passing a mile at most, altogether unpeopled and disinhabited. It is overgrown with wood and rubbish, viz. Oaks, ashes, beech, walnut, witch-hazle, sassafras, and cedars, with divers others of unknown names. The rubbish is wild pease, young sassafras, cherry-trees, vines, eglantines, gooseberry bushes, hawthorn, honeysuckles, with other of like quality. The herbs and roots are strawberries, raspberries, ground-nuts, alexander, surrin, tansy, &c. without count. Touching the fertility of the soil by our own experience made, we found it to be excellent for sowing some English pulse; it sprouted out in one fortnight almost half a foot. In this island is a stage or pond of fresh water, in circuit two miles, on the one side not distant from the sea thirty yards, in the centre whereof is a rocky islet, containing near an acre of ground full of wood, on which we began our fort and place of abode, disposing itself so fit for the same. These Indians call gold wassador, which argueth there is thereof in the country....
The eighteenth, we set sail and bore for England.... The three-and-twentieth of July we came to anchor before Exmouth.
Source: Gabriel Archer, Gosnold’s Settlement at Cuttyhunk (Boston: Old South Work, 1902), 1–11.
A Letter Home From Massachusetts Bay in 1631:
Over 20,000 migrants from England crossed the Atlantic to the new colony of Massachusetts Bay in the decade of the 1630s. This sudden influx of settlers became known to historians as the “Great Migration.” Once in New England, they quickly dispersed to various towns. About forty families followed Sir Richard Saltonstall and the Reverend George Phillips four miles up the Charles River to found the community of Watertown in July 1630. Many had relocated from the East Anglian region of England, where William Pond, the correspondent’s father, lived. These families attempted to set up a familiar farm economy based on grain and livestock, but early dreams of an easy trade with the Indians proved elusive. Their concerns focused on feeding themselves and achieving economic sufficiency.
Pond to William Pond, March 15, 1631
To my loving father William Pond, at Etherston in Suffolk give this.
MOST LOVING & KIND FATHER & MOTHER, My humble duty remembered unto you, trusting in God you are in good health, & I pray remember my love unto my brother Joseph & thank him for his kindness that I found at his hand at London, . . . I know, loving father, & do confess that I was an undutiful child unto you when I lived with you & by you, for the which I am much sorrowful & grieved for it, trusting in God that he will guide me that I will never offend you so any more & I trust in God that you will forgive me for it.
My writing unto you is to let you understand what a country this New England is where we live. Here are but few [Indians], a great part of them died this winter, it was thought it was of the plague. They are a crafty people & they will [cozen] & cheat, & they are a subtle people, & whereas we did expect great store of beaver here is little or none to be had. They are proper men & . . . many of them go naked with a skin about their loins, but now sum of them get Englishmen’s apparel; & the country is very rocky and hilly & some champion ground & the soil is very [fruitful], & here is some good ground and marsh ground, but here is no Michaelmas. Spring cattle thrive well here, but they give small store of milk. The best cattle for profit is swines & a good swine is her at £5 price, and a goose worth £2 a good one got. Here is timber good store & acorns good store, and here is good store of fish if we had boats to go for & lines to serve to fishing. . . . & people here are subject to diseases, for here have died of the scurvy & of the burning fever nigh too hundred & odd; beside as many lie lame & all Sudbury men are dead but three & three women & some children, & provisions are here at a wonderful rate. . . .
If this ship had not come when it did we had been put to a wonderful straight, but thanks be to God for sending of it in. I received from the ship a hogshead of meal, & the Governor telleth me of a hundred weight of cheese the which I have received part of it. I humbly thank you for it. I did expect two cows, the which I had none, nor I do not earnestly desire that you should send me any, because the country is not so as we did expect it. Therefore, loving father, I would entreat you that you would send me a firkin of butter & a hogshead of malt unground, for we drink nothing but water, & a coarse clothe of four pound price so it be thick. For the freight, if you of your love will send them I will pay the freight, for here is nothing to be got without we had commodities to go up to the East parts amongst the Indians to truck, for here where we live here is no beaver. Here is no cloth to be had to make no apparel, & shoes are a 5s a pair for me, & that cloth that is worth 2s 8d is worth here 5s.
So I pray, father, send me four or five yards of cloth to make some apparel, & loving father, though I be far distant from you yet I pray you remember me as your child, & we do not know how long we may subsist, for we can not live here without provisions from old England. Therefore, I pray do not put away your shop stuff, for I think that in the end, if I live, it must be my living, for we do not know how long this plantation will stand, for some of the magnates that did uphold it have turned off their men & have given it over. Besides, God hath taken away the chiefest stud in the land, Mr. Johnson & the lady Arabella his wife, which was the chiefest man of estate in the land & one that would have done most good. . . .
My wife remembers her humble duty unto you & to my mother, & my love to brother Joseph & to Sarey Myler. Thus I leave you to the protection of Almighty God.
Watertown, New England, [no signature]
Source: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd Series, vol. 8 (Boston, 1892–1894), 471–73.
Metacom Relates Indian Complaints about the English Settlers, 1675: Metacom Relates Indian Complaints about the English Settlers, 1675
Metacom or King Philip, leader of the Wampanoags near Plymouth colony, led many other Indians into a widespread revolt against the colonists of southern New England in 1675. The conflict had been brewing for some time over a set of longstanding grievances between Europeans and Indians. In that tense atmosphere, John Easton, Attorney General of the Rhode Island colony, met Philip in June of 1675 in an effort to negotiate a settlement. Easton recorded Philip’s complaints, including the steady loss of Wampanoag land to the Europeans; the English colonists’ growing herds of cattle and their destruction of Indian crops; and the unequal justice Indians received in the English courts. This meeting between Easton and Metacom proved futile, however, and the war (which became the bloodiest in U.S. history relative to the size of the population) began late that month.
So Philip kept his Men in Armes. Plimoth Gouverner required him to disband his Men, and informed him his Jealousy was false. Philip answered he would do no Harm, and thanked the Governer for his Information.... We sent a Man to Philip, that is he would come to the Ferry we would come over to speak with him.... [C]ame himself unarmed, and about 40 of his Men armed. Then 5 of us went over, 3 were Magistrates. We sate very friendly together. We told him our business was to endeavor that they might not receive or do Rong. They said that was well; they had dun no Rong, the English ronged them. We said we knew the English said the Indians ronged them, and the Indians said the English ronged them, but our Desire was the Quarrell might rightly be decided, in the best Way, and not as Dogs decided their Quarrells. The Indians owned that fighting was the worst Way; then they propounded how Right might take Place. We said, by Arbitration. They said that all English agreed against them, and so by Arbitration they had had much Rong; many Miles square of Land so taken from them, for English would have English Arbitrators; and once they were persuaded to give in their Armes, that thereby Jealousy might be removed, and the English having their Arms wold not deliver them as they had promised, untill they consented to pay a 1OOpo, (100 pounds) and now they had not so much Sum or Muny; that they were as good be Idled as leave all their Livelihode....
They said thay had bine the first in doing Good to the English, and the English the first in doing Rong; said when the English first came, their King’s Father was as a great Man, and the English as a littell Child; he constrained other Indians from ronging the English, and gave them Corn and shewed them how to plant, and was free to do them any Good, and had let them have a 100 Times more Land than now the King had for his own Peopell. But their King’s Brother, [Massasoit] when he was King, came miserably to die by being forced to Court, as they judge poysoned. And another Greavance was, if 20 of their honest Indians testified that a Englishman had dun them Rong, it was as nothing; and if but one of their worst Indians testified against any Indian or their King, when it pleased the English it was sufficient. Another Grievance was, when their King sold Land, the English would say, it was more than they agreed to, and a Writing must be prove against all them, and some of their Kings had dun Rong to sell so much....
Another Grievance, the English were so eager to sell the Indians Lickers, that most of the Indians spent all in Drunkness, and then ravened upon the sober Indians, and they did believe often did hurt the English Cattel, and their King could not prevent it. We knew before, these were their grand Complaints, but then we only endeavored to persuaid that all Complaints might be righted without War, but could have no other Answer but that they had not heard of that Way for the Governor of Yorke and an Indian King to have the Hearing of it. We had Cause to think in that had bine tendered it would have bine accepted. We endeavored that however they Should lay down the War, for the English were to strong for them; they said, then the English should do to them as they did when they were too strong for the English.
Source: John Easton, “A Relation of the Indian War” in A Narrative of the Causes Which Led to Philip’s Indian War (Albany: J. Munsell, 1858), 5–15.
As North American colonists, eager for land, spilled over the Appalachian Mountains in the 1750s, British concern and Indian anger over the expansion rose. Sir William Johnson, a migrant from Ireland who had settled in central New York, was a British official with ties to the Iroquois; in 1756 he was appointed superintendent of Indian Affairs for the northern colonies. In 1772, after British victory in the Seven Year’s War, he wrote to the Earl of Dartmouth, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, describing the abuses of the traders and the Indians’ complaints about the settlers. Johnson feared the loss of authority by the established government, and judging of the settlers that “they are in general a lawless sett of People.”
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
Johnson Hall Nov 4th 1772
My Lord
I have had the honor the receive your Lordships letter of the 2d of Sept[embe]r with the inclosures acquainting me with His Majestys Royal Intentions respecting the Government on the Ohio and directing that I should signify the same to the Six Nations which I had an immediate opportunity of doing, as I shall shew your Lordship presently.
My last letter to the Earl of Hillsborough was No 18 of the 29th of June, on which (as I presume it is in your hands) I need not to add more than to remind your Lordship that I therein gave an account of the departure of the 6 Nations Deputys for the second great Congress at Sioto and of the murder of the eight Mississagaes & Chippewaes by one Ramsey a small Trader on Lake Erie in which he appeared to have been actuated by wanton cruelty more than by any other consideration. Since that letter I received an account that the conferences to the Southward were ended, and about a fortnight since, the Cheifs and principal Warriors of the Six Nations came to this place where they held a Congress and related the transactions of their Deputies, a Copy of the most material parts whereof, I have now the honor to transmit to your Lordship:
The Sum of what they said was, That as the Waubash Indians, Kicapous & Piankashaws notwithstanding they waited for them a considerable time did not attend the Congress at Sioto, by reason or under pretence that some of their people had last year been killed by a party of Six Nations & Cherokees, the Deputys laid their Belts and Messages before those present reprimanding those concerned with their past misconduct, and charging them with what they had to say to those absent, which they promised faithfully to deliver. The Deputys likewise demand[e]d those mischeivous Belts &ca. which had been circulating & particularly those said to have gone from Agaustarax a Seneca Cheif of great influence, but without the knowledge of the rest of the Six Nation confederacy.
The Indians there accordingly directed all the adjoining Nations to collect all such Belts as were liable to suspicion, on which several Belts were brought in, and delivered to the Deputys, some of which came from the West side of Mississipi containing assurances of Assistance and advising all Nations to rise against the English but the Belts from Agaustarax were not in the hands of any then present, having been stopped by the Cherokees. However the Deputies were assured that they should be collected, and that the Cheifs of all the Nations there absent as well as present should shortly bring them, and attend a General Congress at Onondaga where they would hear the sense of all the Six Nations and ratify all proceedings. The Belts before mentioned were delivered up to me by the Deputies and one of them, which is one of the largest I have seen is evidently a French Belt, and from what I can find came from Mons[ieu]r St Ange on the Mississippi in the name of the French King, which St Ange was an active Commander under the French and is now I am of opinion a secret Agent to heighten the Prejudice of the Indians, and prepare them for cooperat[in]g with the Enemy in case of a War....
Just before their departure I was honored with your Lordships second letter and accordingly communicated to them His Majestys Intentions respecting the Establishment of a Government on the Ohio which I observed would rather be attended with advantage to them & to their Allies than the contrary. That it was in consequence of their public Sale at the greatest Congress ever held and therefore it was their duty to support their just rights, and remove any evil impressions which a few weak People their Dependants had conceived thereon to all which they made suitable answer. I likewise advised them to withdraw the Senecas of Ohio from thence and sett1e them nearer their natural friends as at present by their Connections with others they bring disgrace & suspicion on their own confederacy, and this I was the readier induced to do, as Kayashota, the cheif of those on Ohio, a man of universal influence was present & had privately assured me that it was agreeable to him.
I shall now, my Lord, beg leave to offer my thoughts on some of the foregoing particulars in as few words as possible, and first with regard to the new Government I have the strongest reasons to beleive that the Six Nations are disposed to consider it in a favorable light, and that the Tribes who since the Cession have appeared otherwise have no just pretension or Title there, at the same time I should remark that as all Indians are naturally jealous of their liberties and extremely suspicious of our designs. And as the reduction of Canada, the imprudence of our own people since that event, and the artifices of our secret enemies all contribute to encrease these sentiments in the Indians, It is not at all surprising if any amongst them particularly, to the Southward should alltho' they accord to the Cession be alarmed a any uncommon increase of Settlements in the back Country....
[T]hose who daily go over the Mountains of Virginia employ much of their time in hunting, interfere with them therein, have a hatred for, ill treat, Rob and frequently murder the Indians, that they are in general a lawless sett of People, as fond of independency as themselves, and more regardless of Governm[en]t owing to ignorance, prejudice democratical principles, & their remote situation. The Indians likewise perceive & frequently observe that our Governments are weak & impotent, that whatever these people do their Jurys will acquitt them, the Landed men protect them, or a Rabble rescue them from the hands of Justice, The truth of all which I am equally sensible of, the Indians are therefore certain that they will he troublesome neighbors and that they can expect no redress from them. These are material considerations which principally induced me to extend the purchase a little farther down the Ohio, the Indians; being willing to sell it, but more especially as I knew that at that time these frontier People were daily pushing into that fertile country and would continue to do so without any title whatsoever (a circumstance they little regard) & that the Colonies, would not, or could not prevent them, this would have been such a disgrace to Government, that I judged it most politick to purchase it for His Majesty, than farther to discover our weakness to the Indians by admitting their Title to Lands which were dayly settling without any Title at all....
The Common Traders or Factors who are generally rapacious, ignorant & without principle.... I have Just received a fresh instance in the murder of a Trader and his two servants on Lake Huron by some of the Nation whose people were killed by Ramsay. The Trader sold them Rum and neglecting to leave them, though advised by themselves to do so, on being refused more liquor, they seized it got intoxicated a squabble ensued, which ended in the death of the Trader and his Servants, The Nation have promised to delver the murderer but I doubt it much, as the murders committed by Ramsey can not be easily forgotten by them especially when disguised by Liquor which they always consider as a mitigation of the offence.
As I expect to have the honor to write your Lordship soon on the subjects proposed to the Six Nations, I have only at present to request that your Lordship will honor me with His Majestys commands touching any part of this letter that may require it, and that you will pardon its immoderate length as my Zeal would not permit me to abridge a subject which appeared to me of some Importance. I have the honor to be with great respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
Most obedient and
Most faithfull Servant
W JOHNSON
Source: E.B. O’Callaghan, Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York (Albany, N.Y.: Weed, Parsons, 1853), Vol. 8, 314–17.
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